As a proud African searching for a way out of my continent’s social, political and economic quagmire, the ‘miraculous’ power-sharing deal agreed last week between Zimbabwe’s president Robert Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai gladdened my heart.
As various events conspired to prevent an accord between the two over the last number of years, I wondered and pondered on the future of their great land, once a jewel of the southern African region. But when the media beamed worldwide the resolution of the conflict through the striking of their deal, all I could say was that it was marvellous in our eyes.
In addition, South Africa’s former president Thabo Mbeki should, I feel, be commended massively for his ‘quiet diplomacy’ in brokering a truce in this imbroglio, which may have led to even greater disaster if the words of some hawks were heeded.
Also on the list of acknowledgements is Nigeria, which gave many African countries the heart to reject the sham elections that returned Mugabe as president of Zimbabwe. The west African giant refused to recognise him unless the opposition victory recorded in the first round was looked into.
Kudos, therefore, must go to Mbeki and Yar’Adua for their initiative in resolving a crisis which has destabilised millions of people and almost threatened the future of an entire continental region.
However, before we continue our chants of uhuru, it is vital that we look into a number of factors involved in the implementation of the powersharing agreement. The group picture snapped last weekend of Mugabe, Tsvangirai, Mbeki and Arthur Mutambara is just for show. What’s really important for us to know now is: Who calls the shots in the unity government? Can Mugabe’s Zanu-PF and Tsvangirai’s MDC be dependable partners in steering Zimbabwe forward? And has the MDC got the backbone to keep Mugabe’s political wits in check?
Another important question regards the country’s new security situation. What are the respective powers of president Mugabe’s army and prime minister Tsvangirai’s police, as accorded by the new deal? After all, unlike in the West where armies are rarely if ever seen on the streets, Africa’s repressive leaders cannot do without the men on khaki and Kalashnikovs.
Though this new partnership needs trust and confidence, Garikai Musekai is quick to remind us what happened between Robert Mugabe’s Zanu and late Joshua Nkomo’s Zapu in the 1980s. As my people say, those who eat with the devil need a long spoon. Genuine partners in this Zimbabwe crisis need to bear in mind that Mugabe is a wily political schemer, and as such, the security apparatus are still in his tight control.
And there is yet another question, maybe the most important of all: what of the Zimbabwean people? Are they even in the picture as this deal is being drawn and concluded? After all, as the old always goes, the grass suffers when two elephants fight.
If the answer is yes, how come the large government comprising many ministers are included in the package? How come the EU and its allies are still bidding to continue sanctions against the overstretched people of Zimbabwe?
Now that Tsvangirai has accepted to partner the dictator Mugabe, the ball is now in the court of those who impose the sanctions. I am optimistic that all interests do what it takes to move the country forward, as Africa has served long enough as a pawn on the global political chessboard.
It’s very important when considering the future of Zimbabwe that we don’t count our chickens before they hatch. Zimbabweans have seen much suffering as a result of the long-time ego tussle between Mugabe and his adversaries; hundreds have been killed and millions are now refugees, while others are now wallowing in penury as if their homeland is war-torn.
Trouble is now their next of kin, but the resolution of this conflict should be a key moment for their lives to turn around.
As I call for the lifting of sanctions on Zimbabwe, I also advise the Irish Government to keep a soft spot for the crisisridden country until its issues are put to rest.
